The news that the Soviets had received a note spread through the Tavlida Palace, and all the delegates present crowded into the chamber with heated arguments, most of which were strongly opposed; Waiting for the closed-door meeting of the Executive Committee, a small meeting of the leaders of several major factions of the Petersburg Soviet, the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, which was easier to pass resolutions than a noisy one, and which did not involve fights.
The Menshevik leaders who presided over the work of the Soviets, Nikolai Semenovich Tsykhedze, and Iraklighievich Tseretieli, both so-called centrists, were also fellow countrymen of Stalin, and both came from Georgia, knowing that the note of the Provisional Government would inevitably arouse strong opposition, and if the two factions with different views were not reconciled, they would have to practice in the Tavlida Palace.
So they wisely avoided the convention.
Instead, a smaller executive committee is convened.
The meeting lasted for a long time, from the morning until the afternoon of May 2, 1917, and the Soviet conference hall was crowded with more and more people, and at last it was too much to pack, and even the long corridor outside the door was full of anxiously waiting delegates.
Hersman was one of them, surrounded by members of the Bolsheviks, and all of them vehemently denounced the treachery of the Provisional Government, not only for the division of land, for wage increases and shorter working hours, but also for the loss of bread and milk than before, and now even the hope of peace was dashed It can be said that there is no difference between the Provisional Government and the previous tsarist government So every Bolshevik and most of the Mensheviks, Socialist-Revolutionaries and non-partisan representatives of the Soviets now believed that the Executive Committee would adopt a resolution against the Provisional Government, and even overthrow it, which was easy to do, and that the Bolsheviks, Mensheviks, and Socialist-Revolutionaries could influence the 150,000 Petersburg garrison and the majority of the Baltic Fleet through the soldiers' councils.
Moreover, the workers of Petersburg and the peasants in the vicinity also regarded the Soviets as institutions that ruled for them.
In addition, in most parts of Russia, including the front lines of the confrontation with Germany and Austria-Hungary, the Soviets had sufficient influence.
Now with a resolution, the Provisional Government will be finished, and the Soviets will be able to take its place, of course, a Soviet that is not dominated by the Bolsheviks "If the Soviet Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks had a little brain, Lenin and the Bolsheviks would still have no chance" Hearsman listened to the noisy voices, and felt a little sorry for the Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks, knowing that those fools would certainly not pass any resolutions to overthrow the Provisional Government, and most of them would endorse the Provisional Government.
Time and again, these fools have turned a good situation into a disaster At this moment, someone suddenly shouted: "Cele Lie Tieli Cellie Tie Li" Then I saw a short man with a mustache that looked like Stalin's, and most of them came out of the small conference room.
The name of the famous Menshevik, who was also a well-known anti-war activist, opposed the imperialist war before the February Revolution and advocated Russia's withdrawal from the war.
So everyone wanted to hear from him what he said about the Provisional Government.
Tselie Tieli walked up to the rostrum, raised his right hand, and the noisy venue suddenly fell silent, and everyone held their breath and pricked up their ears.
Russian with a slight Georgian accent rang out: "This document indicates that the note undermines the basis for the possibility of cooperation between the Soviets and the Provisional Government, which should give a satisfactory answer." ” "What a reply" "What do you mean?"
"Do we still want to support the Interim Government?"
Immediately, some of the deputies shouted, and they could already hear the voice of Tselie Tieli's words.
The Georgian Menshevik continued: "On the question of the call to the masses, we disagree not only with certain people who refer to the Bolsheviks who try to use the demonstrations for their own propaganda, but also with those of our comrades who do not want to overthrow the government, but still want to call on the masses to fight against it.
It is very easy for us to mobilize the masses against the government.
But it is highly doubtful that we will be able to control this movement and prevent it from turning into a nationwide civil war.
Thus, the Executive Council of the Soviets adopted a resolution to postpone a decision on the issue of calling on the masses and to resolve the conflict through new negotiations with the Provisional Government. ” "What" "Why" "Why compromise" "Workers and soldiers will not agree" "It doesn't work" Not only were the Bolsheviks and non-partisan deputies furious, but even a section of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries jumped up, whose deputies were elected by the workers, peasants and soldiers below.
All the promises made before the February Revolution have now been skipped, and not only have the hard-to-achieve land divisions and wage increases been frustrated, but even the most easily attainable peace has been lost, and even the lowest bottom line, of "only self-defense and no attack" has been breached.
This was because the note of the Provisional Government had clearly pointed out that it was necessary to "scrupulously abide by the obligations of the Tsarist Government to the Entente Powers" and that the duty of the Tsarist Government was not the revolutionary protectorism of "self-defense and non-attack".
Isn't this a clear attempt to force the Russian proletariat, armed with guns, to make another revolution?
"No, it's not the time yet."
In an office in the minister's hall of the Tavlida Palace, Hersmann met Lenin again.
Compared to when he was in Switzerland, the tutor looked a little thinner, but he looked a lot more energetic and looked a lot younger.
It seems that power is really the best for men After the announcement of the decision of the Executive Committee of the Soviets in Tseretieri, chaos erupted in the conference hall, and a brawl between the anti-war and the militant factions ensued.
However, Hersmann did not take part in the fight, but was taken to Lenin's office in the Tavlida Palace by Mrs.
Kollentay, who arrived in time.
After Collentai left, Hersman and his mentor were the only ones in the office.
Although Hersman knew that the "Second Revolution" took place in October of the Russian calendar, not now.
But he asked if there would be an uprising, and Lenin's answer was not surprising.
"Now the Russian bourgeoisie is carrying out a suicidal policy, the noose has been put around the neck, but the stool under its feet has not been kicked off."
Lenin's analogy is very vivid.
At this time, there were bursts of shouts from outside, but the mentor's face was overflowing with smiles.
Lenin explained: "The Russian nation is naturally aggressive, and it is afraid of the weak, and now Germany and Austria-Hungary are having a big party on the battlefield, which is considered weak by many to be bullied.
So the war policy of the Provisional Government still has some supporters, and if the offensive they organize fails, then we win. ” "There will really be an attack," Hersman asked knowingly.
Lenin nodded and said with a wry smile: "It would be so absurd that the political activists who spoke out against the tsarist war policy before and during the war, now in power, refused the low-hanging peace and ordered the army that had collapsed and did not obey orders to die" "It's going to fail," Hersman said.
He didn't even need to know the prophet to know that the current Russian army could not fight at all.
"But the decision to attack can be adopted at the meetings of the Provisional Government and the Soviets, and it is useless for us to oppose it, of course, we still have to oppose the organization of marches and protests, which is a superficial position that politicians dare to take a clear stand, even if it is weak, even if it will attract insult and opposition.
But an armed uprising is not yet time, because the masses of the people still have illusions about victory. ” Hersmann knew that Lenin was explaining his position and his next move to the financiers behind the scenes, and now that the uprising was looking for death, the Provisional Government and the Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks united and had enough forces to suppress it.
But when the attack they organized was crushed by the Germans, and the army at the front completely collapsed, they wanted to mobilize hundreds of thousands of garrisons in Petersburg to send them to their deaths.
The time is fully ripe for an armed uprising "When will the uprising be?"
Hersman asked.
Lenin said: "It depends on when the Provisional Government will attack, I reckon, it will be too late in May.
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He pondered for a moment, "This time there will be some more turmoil, and there may be a reshuffle of the Provisional Government, in which the Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks will certainly participate."
It is estimated that there will be a suicidal full-scale offensive in late June and early July, and that it should be a complete defeat in August.
Then there will be an August Revolution."
According to the plan, the October Revolution was supposed to break out at the end of July or August, and that was the best opportunity.
However, the mentor also had moments when he could not hold his breath, he was deceived by the German-Austrian army's strategy of luring the enemy into depth, and mistakenly thought that the Russian army was progressing smoothly, so he advanced the time of the revolution to mid-July, so it was tragically suppressed.
But Hersman wouldn't let that happen.
After explaining the background, Rollo continued to roll all over the ground begging for tickets, recommendations, and collections.
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