How to seize power Hirschman didn't understand this question, whether in his past life or in this life, he had no experience in this area, and he didn't do research, unlike the protagonists who were born to rebel in those historical travel novels in later generations, although Hersman could predict the prophet to a certain extent, he was not a born revolutionary.
He doesn't know how to agitate politically, he doesn't know how to calculate his political enemies, and he doesn't know how to launch a coup d'état to seize power, whether it's a simple military coup or a Y-color revolution, he won't do it.
Rebellion is a university question, and there are very few places to study, who has heard that later generations of universities have rebel departments Fortunately, our Hirschmann classmates now have one, no, a bunch of good teachers of rebellion, Lenin, Trotsky, Stalin, Dzerzhinsky, and others, all of whom are grandmasters of rebellion.
They had taught Hersman how to do propaganda and agitation, and they had given him an internship.
Now they have to teach Hersman how to bring power into their own hands through all kinds of troubles.
Contrary to what many later believed, Lenin's method of revolution in Petersburg was not to bombard the Winter Palace, perhaps the Palace of Maria, with the cannons of the cruisers, and then thousands of armed soldiers and workers rushed into the gates of the Winter Palace or the Palace of Maria.
Movies can be made like this, and novels can be written like this.
But in Petrograd in the autumn and winter of 1917, such a rebellion would certainly not work.
Because no one can ignore the will of the people, the people in Russia in 1917 were not the silent majority.
Their strength was real, including the soldiers of the Petrograd garrison, the sailors of Kronstadt, and countless workers and peasants.
Most of them were armed, and they were organized by various committees and soviets at all levels, and they became a twisted force.
The same is true in Moscow, Kyiv, Odessa, and other large Russian cities.
Tens of millions or more of them have rallied and armed themselves to form small groups.
The same is true at the front, where soldiers who have not yet fled have formed numerous armed groups.
And all of these groups have their own will.
Even the Bolsheviks had to do everything possible to coax them and put them on their side.
So in Russia in 1917, propaganda and the correct political line were more important than the decisive actions of a few military personnel Having spent more than three months in Russia in 1917 and being at the centre of the Bolshevik revolution, Hersmann was well aware of the fact that Lenin and his party must have enjoyed widespread support before the October Revolution in history Otherwise the October Revolution would not have succeeded at all, and the people of Petrograd and all of Russia, who had guns, would not have been intimidated by the small number of Bolsheviks, let alone given them a few months to rule over the whole of Russia.
The success of the October Revolution can only be attributed to the fact that the Bolsheviks had a wide range of popular opinion at that time.
The subsequent defeat of the Bolsheviks in the Constituent Assembly elections showed that public opinion changed afterwards, and between 1917 and 1918, public opinion in Russia changed very quickly In early and mid-July, the prevailing public opinion in Petersburg was still singing the praises of the "Revolutionary Protectorate War", although the battle took place in Galicia, on the territory of Austria-Hungary.
By July 25, public opinion had quickly shifted to anti-war, faster than flipping through a book, but this change was to be expected, because very, very terrible news came from the front Contrary to the propaganda of the Provisional Government, the German army's fighting power had not been shattered by the Russian Revolution, and their offensive by Kerensky, the minister of the army and navy, who was still a god-like opponent, had now been defeated The 8th Army, which was blown into the Iron Corps, actually fell into a trap, and the Austro-Hungarian 7th Army and the German 1st and 2nd Guards Divisions were caught in a flank, and the defeated town of Klaustz was declared a failure on July 19, the day of the Austro-Hungarian counterattack, and later, the two elite Guards Divisions of the Germans tore a 40-kilometer-wide hole in the Russian front, and the German-Austrian troops continued to pour in.
By the 21st, the Germans had advanced near Tanapor behind the 8th Army's front and threatened the rear of the 8th Army.
Brusilov spent the next two days desperately mobilizing troops to try to fill the gap, but without success, and the German 2nd Guards Division entered Tanapor on the 23rd.
Kornilov exhausted all means, throwing in the Caucasian troops of his most confidants, but to no avail, and in the end could only disperse the breakout before the formation of the encirclement of the German-Austrian army.
The entire army group was almost completely wiped out, and even if the breakthrough was successful, most of the soldiers were reluctant to return to the army, and the heavy weapons and baggage of the army group were all lost.
The 7th Army, which had previously encountered a bloody attack on the defensive line of the German Southern Front, was also defeated under the offensive of the German army in front of it, and the situation of the 11th Army was equally bad, they were actually defeated by the Austro-Hungarian army in front of them, and in the past four years, the Russian army was pressing the Austro-Hungarian army to fight, and now the situation is actually reversed By the 25th, the Southwestern Front of the Russian Army was almost non-existent, and many units began to flee in formation, and "the army disbanded itself."
The Germans and Austria-Hungary were left in a no-man's land, and the Guards Division advanced 145 kilometers in just a few days, and the soldiers stopped because they were overworked.
At the same time as the collapse of the Southwestern Front, the Western Front and the Northwestern Front, which were in worse condition, were also unable to maintain the front, so in order to prevent being routed by the Germans, they had to take the initiative to retreat and shrink.
In the process of retreating, it caused great confusion and a wave of escape.
The entire Russian front, after the "Kerensky offensive", was already on the verge of collapse, and could no longer withstand a blow from the Germans With such a fiasco at the front, news could not be blocked, and almost overnight, all the pages of Petrograd's newspapers, large and small, were occupied by the dismal news of the defeat.
Now everyone knows that Russia can no longer fight, but the war must continue.
The Provisional Government underwent another reshuffle, and Kerensky became Prime Minister, but he still stubbornly refused to make peace, knowing that if he sued for peace now, he would have to bear the charge of "traitor", and then he would be abandoned by the "patriots" who still supported him Since Kerensky was unwilling to sue for peace, he refused to step down.
Now there is only one question, how did Lenin and the Bolsheviks get him out of power.
"Comrade Antonov, in August of the Gregorian calendar we will become the ruling party" Unlike history, because of the existence of Hesmann, Lenin firmly believed that Kerensky's offensive would inevitably fail, and even the main target was identified by the Germans, and if he couldn't win, there would be ghosts, so the Bolsheviks were quite restrained in early and mid-July, and did not trigger bloodshed in July, giving Kerensky the opportunity to fight the Bolsheviks Historically, the Bolsheviks launched a march of 500,000 people on July 17 when the front battle was in full swing, and as a result, they were labeled as German spies.
Just quietly waiting for the defeat of the Kerensky offensive.
Now that Kerensky was really defeated, Lenin was in no hurry to attack.
"August" Hersmann sat in a very elaborate carved chair and looked at Lenin after his work, and they were no longer in the dilapidated Vyborg district.
When news of the failure of the Kerensky offensive spread throughout Petersburg, public opinion once again shifted sharply in favor of the Bolsheviks.
The garrison team stationed at the Smonir Palace also fell to the Bolsheviks.
So Hersmann moved again and moved into the palatial Smonnier Palace.
"So what do we do now," Hersman asked.
Lenin smiled and replied: "The first is propaganda; The second is to develop our organization.
Now it is necessary to launch an all-out propaganda offensive, not only to run newspapers, not only to give speeches and debates, but also to organize thousands of groups to distribute thousands of pamphlets that we have printed to the army, to the villages, to the factories, to the streets.
These pamphlets will promote our ideas and let more people know what we are going to do The organization is the key to the success of our cause, and the party organization needs to be expanded, to include more workers, peasants, and soldiers into us, and to control more soviets, soldiers' committees, and other committees.
Unlike when they refer to Kerensky's faction, we need to keep it in check In addition, I need a plan for the occupation of Petrograd, Comrade Antonov, you can draw it up" Ask for collections, ask for recommendations t1706231537: