The sound of gunfire rang out sporadically, and there was no end to it, from the battlefield south of Tsars' Village to Alexandria Palace.
Here is a sea of uniforms, and on the lawn in front of the palace sat countless soldiers of the Petrograd garrison, each with a red armband on his right arm, which was used to distinguish the so-called Red Army and the White Army from the enemy, and now there was only a distinction between the army loyal to the Soviets and the army loyal to the Provisional Government.
And these two armies belonged to the same Russian army a few days ago, so the uniforms and flags are exactly the same, and they can only be distinguished by armbands.
These soldiers were not men of the 1st Machine Gun Regiment, but reinforcements from Petrograd.
Although the uprising in Petrograd was a bloody civil war, there were no casualties, and the female soldiers and non-commissioned officers loyal to the Provisional Government surrendered after being surrounded by an overwhelmingly superior enemy, and most of the ministers of the Provisional Government were also captured.
However, the Prime Minister of the Provisional Government, Kerensky, fled, and two days later news came that Kerensky had arrived in Pskov.
With this news, the Bolshevik leaders in the Smolny Palace knew that a war was inevitable.
So the troops were quickly mobilized to the south for reinforcements, and Trotsky, chairman of the Soviet Military Revolutionary Committee, arrived at Tsarskaya Village with the reinforcements.
The counterattack organized by Kerensky also advanced outside Tsarskaya Village on the third day after the August Revolution, that is, on August 30 of the Gregorian calendar.
The first to arrive were five thousand cavalry, belonging to the cavalry division of General Krasnov.
Although the number is small, most of them are battle-hardened Cossack cavalry, and even if they dismount and fight positional battles, they are still very strong.
Far from being comparable to the 1st Machine Gun Regiment commanded by Hesman, fortunately it had a numerical advantage, and it was well positioned in advance, occupied favorable terrain, and built some simple fortifications, so that it was not defeated by the onslaught of the Cossacks.
So far, it has been three days of fighting.
Although Kerensky's side received reinforcements of five or six thousand men brought by Kornilov, the soldiers of the garrison had become accustomed to the sound of gunfire and gunsmoke after several days of fighting.
The defense is more stable, and there is basically nothing wrong during the day, but at night it is still a little passive, because of the lack of qualified officers and non-commissioned officers, it is easy to be confused at night.
In fact, Hersman, who was in charge of commanding the operation, could only lead the reserve to the front every night, send reinforcements at any time when there was a hurry, and sometimes lead the team to supervise the battle, so as to prevent the collapse of the front-line troops at night.
Hirschman, who had just inspected various positions, naturally stayed awake all night, and his eyes were red.
Sitting in a rather secluded office in the Alexandria Palace, he talked with Trotsky and Wenshlicht.
"The enemy's offensive is close to exhaustion, and last night they organized only three attacks, half less than the day before yesterday.
The firepower is weaker during the day, and it only relies on a small number of snipers to maintain contact" Trotsky raised his eyebrows: "They are running out of ammunition" Hersman blinked tiredly: "The ammunition is running out, I'm afraid there will be more casualties, and the army on the Pskov front is again pinned down by the German offensive and can't draw troops to reinforce Kerensky."
In my opinion, in the afternoon the troops can be engaged in a counteroffensive. ” Hearing that the Germans were attacking Pskov, Trotsky and Winshlicht frowned at the same time.
Winshlicht asked: "The Germans will occupy Pskov" "Maybe."
Hersman gave an affirmative answer, which was revealed in a telegram sent to him by the Great General Staff.
"But rest assured, the occupation is only temporary."
Pskov is one of the oldest cities in Russia, the people living there are all Russians and Orthodox Christians, and the long-term German occupation can only become a burden, but the short-term occupation can be used as a means of pressure on the Bolsheviks, because the city is located at the intersection of the railway from Moscow to Riga and the railway from Petrograd to Kiev, it is an important transportation hub, and it is too close to Petrograd "Is it possible not to occupy it?"
Trotsky asked.
In the Council of People's Commissars, which was established the day after the victory of the revolution, he served as the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs, which was to be responsible for peace talks with Germany.
He was not at all worried about defeating Kerensky, who was already at the end of his rope.
What really worried him was how to achieve peace with Germany, and the situation on the battlefield was extremely unfavorable to Russia.
Russia is not only fighting a civil war, but also losing its main military strength in the July offensive.
"Comrade Trotsky, I can only convey your meaning to Berlin."
Hersman shrugged, "You know, I'm just a captain with the main mission of helping the Bolsheviks take power.
As for diplomatic negotiations, I am only responsible for acting as a conduit and a bridge with Mr.
Ettel before the parties begin formal negotiations. ” Trotsky smacked his lips, before the victory of the revolution, he knew the true identity and name of Hersmann A great German army captain would definitely become a general in the future by virtue of what he had done in Russia, but that was in the future, not now.
"Well, I see."
Trotsky nodded, "Well, Captain, I think you already know the Peace Decree."
The peace decree was promulgated by the Soviet government the day after the victory of the revolution, but Hersmann knew its contents before the August revolution and telegraphed to Berlin.
But Berlin remained silent and has not responded to this day.
"Negotiations will definitely take place, but peace in which the side at a huge disadvantage does not lose anything does not exist at any time" "This is the opinion of Wilhelmstraße referring to the German Foreign Office and the German General Staff," Trotsky asked.
This is history, and Hersmann would have liked to answer Trotsky in this way.
Still, he said in a very solemn tone: "We must get something to make the cruel war of the last four years worthwhile, and we need a lot more to sustain the war with the Entente."
Considering that Soviet Russia, like us, could not tolerate the Anglo-American capitalist clique and their lackey France.
If we lose the war in the future, then you will be under full pressure.
Therefore it is in your own interest to help us sustain the war. ” Trotsky shook his head and frowned: "But concessions to you will plunge our Soviet power into crisis, and when the time comes, Kerensky will come to power again" "No, it can't be," Hersmann's tone was very affirmative, "as long as Germany has not yielded to Anglo-American, you can maintain it."
Because we are interdependent, I don't think we need to make all the compromises we have reached public.
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We can make deals in secret and in private.
So that we will have the resources to sustain the war, and you will be able to win the hearts and minds of the future. ” "Private, Secret" Trotsky and Winshlicht exchanged glances.
Just as I was about to ask further, the phone rang.
Winshlicht grabbed the receiver and listened, then said, "It is Comrade Lenin who wants to speak to Mr.
Hersmann." ” Hersmann took the receiver of the phone, and Lenin's voice came from there: "Otto's mentor still calls Hersmann that, how is the situation at the front?"
Lenin asked first about the situation of the war.
"Victory will be achieved soon, and this afternoon or tomorrow morning, Kerensky's army will be finished."
"Great," the voice on the other end of the phone was not much joy, because the major cities of Russia had fallen into the hands of the Soviet government in the days following the August Revolution, and the local Soviets were not all controlled by the Bolsheviks.
In addition, on the second day of the August Revolution, the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets was held in the Smolny Palace, which, in addition to the adoption of a letter to the workers, soldiers and peasants drafted by Lenin, proclaimed that all power everywhere would be transferred to the Soviets of Workers' Peasants' and Soldiers' Deputies.
In addition to the peace decree and the land decree, which were nationalized and handed over to the peasants, it was also announced that it would demand immediate elections for the Constituent Assembly, which made most parties, including the Social Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks, accept the revolution and acquiesce in the "temporary rule" of the Bolsheviks.
Because they all think that the present Russia is a mess that no one can clean up, and that it is a dream to withdraw from the war without pain, and that if the peace promised by the Bolsheviks of "no land and no reparations" fails, they will suffer a crushing defeat in the Constituent Assembly elections Since the Socialist-Revolutionaries, Mensheviks and other parties no longer supported, Kerensky fell into isolation, and defeat was only a matter of time.
As far as Lenin was concerned, the power was in his hands, and the question now was only how to keep it, and of course he could not hand it over again, but Lenin still hoped to retain power in a more decent way, such as winning the election to the Constituent Assembly.
"Can you, then, leave the front now and return to Petersburg with Mr.
Green and Ettel, and arrange rooms for you in the Smolny Palace, where there are many empty rooms."
Lenin demanded that Hersman and others return to Petrograd, apparently to facilitate secret negotiations.
"Okay, I'll leave for Petrograd."
Hersman replied immediately.
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