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Chapter Ninety-Seven: The Beginning of the Age of Democracy


From January 6 to January 18, 1919.

Lieutenant Colonel Ludwig von Hersmann stayed in the temporary headquarters of the German army in Potsdam as intelligence chief, and did not go to Berlin in the bloody rain.

There was nothing to see about the killings and repressions, and the outcome of the January Revolution in Germany had already been decided a year earlier in the January upheaval in Russia.

Lenin's dispersal of the Constituent Assembly and the ensuing Russian Civil War taught a vivid lesson to the German socialists, capitalists and Junker aristocracy.

Fearing that Germany would become a second Russia, these people had long been in tandem and unanimously opposed to the Bolsheviks.

Fourteen years later, Adolf Hitler became Chancellor of Germany, which was in fact a continuation of this "anti-Bolshevik line".

From the January upheaval in Russia, to the Finnish Civil War, to the January Revolution in Germany, and then to the Hungarian Revolution.

The struggle of the Bolshevik Party and the Socialist Party, including the Social Democratic Party, the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, and so on, appeared rather bloody and brutal.

The Social Democrats, who were considered harmless to humans and animals, went on a killing spree against the Bolsheviks in Germany, Finland and Hungary.

In Russia, it was the Bolsheviks led by Lenin who were ruthless.

After several fierce struggles from cooperation to bloodbath, there was basically no possibility of cooperation between the center-left social democratic wing and the J-left forces in Europe.

Even in the face of the imminent rise to power of the Nazis and fascists, it was difficult for the Socialists and the Bolshevik Party to cooperate effectively and effectively.

Of course, cooperation cannot be said to be absent, for example, the Bolshevik Party and the Socialist Party in Spaghetti concluded the Convention on United Front Action against Fascism in 1934.

However, in the face of the Italian National Fascist Party at the time, this cooperation really did not have much effect.

On the other hand, the right-wing AIs in Europe were able to unite in the face of the threat of the Bolshevik Party and use every means to suppress the Bolsheviks.

This was particularly evident in Germany, where the army, controlled by the Junker aristocracy, was always trying in every possible way to get along with the Bolsheviks, joining forces with all the political forces opposed to the Bolsheviks.

And the Social Democrats and the Independent Socialist Party, which won the bloody struggle, were not in a good position.

Because they were not able to preserve the monarchy for the Junkers, and because they also participated in the November Revolution, they were only slightly stronger than the Bolsheviks in the eyes of the Junkers.

It can only be regarded as reluctant cooperation, not a solid alliance at all, and pulling the Socialists from the throne of the ruling party is the long-term goal of the Juncker officer corps.

After the bloodbath of several large German cities, not only the vast majority of the working class in Berlin but also the Bolsheviks, the German Socialists, as "moderate leftists", were in fact shaking their foundations.

And without the support of the powerful Juncker officer corps, the fate of them and Germany seemed to be predictable However, Germany will remain a democracy for a long time to come, and Hersmann at the beginning of 1919 was convinced of this.

Because the Junker aristocracy would have been devastated after the defeat in the World War, it would not have a state with an army of 100,000 or more men.

And in the political arena, the "moderate left AI" or the "moderate right AI" are ruled by the ballot box, not the barrel of the gun.

Even the Juncker officer corps, during the historic Weimar Republic, could only play the game of politics decided by votes under the leadership of Hindenburg.

Because the weakened Juncker would not be able to suppress the resistance of the German working class even if he staged a coup d'état to seize power.

Therefore, for most of the Weimar Republic, the three aspects of Juncker, the "moderate left AI" and the "moderate right AI" were roughly balanced, and the Junkers could form a pattern of right and left politics.

But Hersmann knew that this balance was only temporary, and that oppression from the Entente and revolutionary exports from the Soviet Union would strengthen the extremist faction.

When the right time comes, such as the Great Depression, extremist factions can skyrocket "Ludwig, whose vote should we vote" "Odeya, you have to vote for the Christian Democratic People's Party, which is the original Catholic Center Party.

Chloe, you have to vote for it too. ” "But I don't believe in Catholicism."

"I'm a Catholic."

"Brother, are you supporting the Catholic Center Party because of Chloe?"

"Margaret, what are you doing here, you're not yet 20 years old, you can't vote."

"I can't vote, but I can watch you vote." 19 January is the day of the National Assembly elections.

To vote, Hersmann returned to Berlin a day early with his stepmother Odeya, his sister Margaret and his fiancée Chloe.

Of course, Chloe did not vote for the Catholic Center Party because she believed in Catholicism, but because she was not attached to religion.

Voting for the Catholic Center Party was an order of the Union of German Officers.

Under the double blow of Germany's surrender and the November Revolution, the Fatherland Party, which was run by the German military, had collapsed and did not participate in the January 19 elections.

That is why the Union of German Officers' Officers instructed its members to support three parties other than the Social Democratic Party and the Independent Social Democratic Party, the German National People's Party, the German People's Party and the Christian Democratic People's Party.

The three parties, which bear the names of the "People's Party" and the "Democratic Party", did not have their current names before the November revolution and will soon change their names.

The words "people" and "democracy" were hung on the signboard only to cater to the political atmosphere after the November Revolution.

At that time, the realization of socialism seemed to be the consensus of the whole people.

However, after the "January Crackdown" led by the Social Democrats, the golden sign of socialism has faded a little.

"Ludwig, which party do you think will win the election," Hersmann's sister, Margaret, asked in front of a makeshift polling station.

The place where Hersman, Chloe, and Odeya voted is near her luxury apartment.

The queue in front of the polling station was all well-dressed propertied class.

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"Social Democrats."

Hersmann's answer was resoundingly yes.

"Chloe, what do you think" "It's supposed to be the Social Democrats, and this time they're the big winners."

Chloe's answer was the same as Hersmann's, and she shook her head slightly, "I think Mr.

Albert will be president, and his Social Democrats will form a cabinet." ” "It's not a big winner," Hersman said lightly, glancing at the orderly voting line, "because they're just a mess that's hard to clean up." ” For a long time, the Social Democrats were the largest party in the Second Reichstag and had a deep mass base.

Although this time, because of the suppression of the workers, the leftist AI masses were divided and antagonized, which can be regarded as hurting the foundation.

But because the extremist workers' parties such as the Bolshevik Party and the Nazi Party will not participate in this election.

The Bolshevik Party had just been suppressed, and it was unlikely that it would participate in the general elections for some time to come.

The Nazi Party may not have been formed yet, and even if it did, it would be a small and insignificant party.

The Independent Socialist Party, which had split from the Social Democratic Party, had not only participated in the repression, but was itself facing a new split, and it was from this party that the German Bolshevik Party had splintered.

With no rivals competing with the SPD for workers' votes, the SPD can be expected to win the majority of the workers' and peasants' votes.

But the Social Democrats, who came to power, had to face a mess they could not have imagined. t1706231537: