"Mr.
President, are we really going to bomb Iceland and Ireland?"
On the afternoon of September 10, 1944, in the Oval Office of the White House, Admiral Arnold, commander of the U.S.
Army Air Forces, who had just been happy to see that Roosevelt was still in power, now looked very confused, and even a little suspicious that Roosevelt had become a little delirious because of a stroke.
Because Roosevelt had asked a few minutes earlier when he would be able to start bombing Iceland and Ireland.
Although Roosevelt had spoken of this before he had suffered a stroke, Admiral Arnold was not given the order to begin the bombing immediately.
He thought that Roosevelt asked about this only so that he could have a means of countering Germany if necessary.
"Of course," Roosevelt, with his head tilted, stretched out his right hand and pressed his forehead, "I remember giving the order to bomb Iceland before I had a stroke." ” "No, no," Admiral Arnold shook his head, more convinced of his conjecture.
"No" Roosevelt was indeed a little forgetful, and although his first stroke did not kill him, it still caused some damage to his memory.
"I can't remember a little," Roosevelt shook his head, "then I'll give the order now."
Bombing Iceland, Ireland and Buenos and whatever" "Ellis, it's Buenos Aires."
Admiral Arnold frowned, "Mr.
President, is it really necessary for us to bomb Iceland and Ireland?"
The bombing of Buenos Aires had been planned by the Joint Chiefs of Staff for a long time, and William Leahy, Marshall, Ernest Skinkin, and Arnold himself all believed that the bombing of Juan-Peron's capital to rubble might lead to a political upheaval in the new Federation of Asbania.
But the bombing of Iceland and Ireland seemed to the military strategists of the Joint Chiefs of Staff to mean little.
Iceland has a population of more than 100,000 people and are all fishermen, so there's nothing worth a B29 trip to the island.
As for Ireland, although it is worth a little more than Iceland, it is too far away from Newfoundland to carry a few bombs on the B29.
And Ireland is simply the existence of soy sauce in the European Community, and it has not sent troops to South America, so why bomb it "There is no need for bombing militarily."
Roosevelt said lightly, "But it is politically necessary" Speaking of political necessity, Admiral Arnold's brow furrowed even tighter.
"Mr.
President, it is likely that Germany currently has the means to bomb the continental United States" "I know," Roosevelt's tone was unpleasant, "do you think I've forgotten the Germans' missiles, but we can't stop hitting them for fear of the Germans' counterattack."
By the way, how is the army aviation going to deal with the missiles of the Germans" Admiral Arnold didn't know whether to argue with Roosevelt or not, but after thinking about it, he decided to introduce a way to counter a missile attack first.
The first, of course, was the destruction of the launch platforms of German missiles, which Arnold estimated the Germans would launch from planes and ships.
Therefore, the US Army Air Force and Navy Air Force must increase patrols within a few hundred to a thousand kilometers off the eastern coastline of the United States, and strike at targets as soon as they are discovered.
The second is interception, which can be used in a variety of ways, including dispatching fighter planes to shoot down missiles, using anti-aircraft artillery deployed on the ground to shoot down missiles, and using air-proof balloons to passively intercept them.
The second is the evacuation of the population and the construction of bomb shelters in large cities on the east coast, the construction of which has been in full swing since June 44, when the United States learned that Germany had the atomic bomb.
Roosevelt was not very interested in defending against German missiles, and after listening to Admiral Arnold's words, he ended the conversation under the pretext that he needed to recuperate.
And after Arnold left, Army Chief of Staff Marshall and Chief of Naval Operations Ernest joined forces again.
They were made for the post-Bermuda campaign military deployment.
The first thing to be resolved is, of course, the question of the selection of the joint commander of the Pacific Atlantic Fleet.
Admiral Nimitz, who had lost the battle, had submitted his resignation, and Admiral Halsey was nowhere to be found, and the Germans had announced that they had captured him, but the U.S.
Navy had not yet confirmed that someone needed to take over the mess.
"Let Admiral Spruance be the co-commander," Roosevelt said, "and now he is the only one who can hold the position."
And the focus of the next stage of naval operations will definitely be in the Pacific direction."
Admiral Ernest Kin replied: "Mr.
President, the Joint Chiefs of Staff have not yet decided, but my personal opinion is indeed to seek a decisive battle with aircraft carriers in the Pacific direction. ” There is nothing left to fight in the Atlantic direction, but in the Pacific direction, it is still possible to play a game, and in case of victory, the army aviation will be able to bomb Buenos Aires from Chile, and maybe it will be able to blow Juan Peron to the ground.
Roosevelt nodded, and asked again: "What about the battle in Guyana, do you want to continue or retreat immediately?"
"Continue" "Should be continued" Ernest King and Marshall see exactly the same thing.
"Georgetown is under the cover of shore-based aviation on the island of Trinidad," Ernest kin said, "so the transportation of supplies and reinforcements is not difficult, and it is quite possible to hold on." ” Marshall added: "Moreover, British Guiana is only four or five hundred kilometers from the island of Trinidad, and if the Germans deploy missiles there, they may be able to reach Trinidad, which will put great pressure on the air defense of Trinidad." ” Roosevelt nodded, and said in a resolute tone: "When Admiral Leahy returns from the front line on Oahu, the Joint Chiefs of Staff will come up with a comprehensive plan."
This plan should include not only defense and operations in South America, but also a counterattack on the European continent, with B29 long-range bombers and other means at our disposal, I hope that the counterattack on Europe, can be launched as soon as possible" William Leahy visited the Pacific theater the day after Roosevelt's stroke, first to Australia and New Zealand, then to the Hawaiian Islands, and then to Oahu, where the bloody battle was underway.
And the purpose of his inspection of those areas was not to launch a new offensive in the Pacific theater, but to explore the possibility of an armistice.
After the Battle of Bermuda, the United States was no longer able to sustain two large-scale naval wars at the same time, and ending the war against Japan and concentrating its forces to resist Germany and Europe became the best policy.
"Imperial Marshal, the focus of our operations in the next stage should be Trinidad in the Atlantic direction and Valparaiso in the Pacific direction."
Cuosen, inside the Joint Intelligence Command Center of the General Staff.
Air Force Commander-in-Chief Kesselring was at a large map desk with a map of the military situation in South America, making a proposal to Hersmann.
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"Is it one of the two?"
Hersman asked.
"No," Kesselring shook his head, "my suggestion is to fight two campaigns at once, in the southeast Pacific near Valparaiso, to fight a decisive battle with the Americans with aircraft carriers, and then recapture Valparaiso.
At the same time, on the battlefield of Guyana, the island of Trinidad, we should take a decisive and fierce offensive to seize the island of Trinidad and open the passage to attack the Caribbean and Venezuela. ” "Certainty of victory" "Yes," replied Marshal Kesselring in the affirmative, "because we are about to launch a missile attack on the continental United States, and the United States will certainly deploy most of its warplanes on the east coast, which will give us the opportunity to launch an offensive on the island of Trinidad and Valparaiso." ” "Is it possible for San Diego to fall?"
Hersman asked a surprising question.
"Santiago of Chile," Kesselring shook his head, "it is impossible to fall, our Marines have already arrived there."
The Chileans also mobilized a large number of troops to Santiago, where the total number of troops had reached 100,000. ” Hersman shrugged, "Then don't think about attacking Valparaiso and transfer all the carriers back to Belém." ” Admiral Raeder was also in the Joint Intelligence Command Center to discuss the situation with Hersman and Kesselring.
Hearing Hersmann's proposal, he interjected and asked: "Imperial Marshal, if we don't recapture Valparaíso, there is a risk that Buenos Aires will be subjected to a massive air attack."
According to reliable intelligence, the Americans are building a large airfield in Valparaiso that can take off and land B29 bombers. ” "Why don't you let the Americans blow it up," Hirschman asked rhetorically.
"Juan Peron's regime may be unstable," Raeder replied, "and his war against Brazil is in a quagmire, and if Buenos Aires is bombed to rubble by American planes, he will most likely be overthrown by the opposition." ” The attack on Brazil launched by the new Federation of Asbania, composed of Argentina, Chile, Uruguay and other countries, was met with stubborn resistance from the Brazilian military and civilians.
Moreover, the number of Brazilians willing to cooperate with the authorities of New Asbania was limited, and even in several non-Portuguese white states in southern Brazil, the population was reluctant to become citizens of the New Asbanian Federation, preferring to be citizens of the European Community or the Roman Empire rather than "subjects" of Juan Peron.
The attacks on São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro did not go as smoothly as expected, and although São Paulo fell to the new Asbanian coalition in March 1944, Rio de Janeiro was in a bad fight.
In April 1944, the New Asbanian coalition surrounded it, but the siege did not end until September, and the attacking forces suffered heavy losses.
The "blitzkrieg" that Juan Perón imagined had now become a protracted war, and his status in the eyes of Argentines was rapidly declining.
If Buenos Aires were bombed again, the consequences would be unimaginable.
"Let the Americans bomb Buenos Aires."
Hersman sneered and said, "Otherwise, Perón will never recognize himself and the new Asbanian Federation for who he really is, and Buenos Aires will become a nightmare for American long-range bombers." t1706231537: