"I am deeply ashamed of the mistakes and crimes committed by Akirov, and as the head of the Uzbek Party Committee, I am ashamed to have such an official under his rule, and I am ashamed to the Central Committee, to the government, and to the Uzbek people."
Rashidov stood on the podium and made a review of the center with tears in his eyes.
Although the Uzbek case has come to an end, as the leader of the Uzbek case, Rashidov is not strict and has the responsibility of supervising and neglecting supervision, and it still needs to be reviewed.
He was also given a serious warning from the party, which can be said to have ruined the opportunity to enter the highest decision-making echelons of the Soviet Union.
The 14 bureau members on the stage listened quietly, and although they could not see any expression on their faces, they had different views on the Uzbek matter in their hearts, long before the review began.
The members of the bureau have already made a decision on the Uzbek matter, but who is satisfied with this result and who is dissatisfied with this result is a matter of opinion.
Sitting in the center was naturally Leonid Brezhnev, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU, Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet.
Mr.
Bo's expression was serious, and his eyes looked straight ahead.
In fact, in this matter, Mr.
Bo's attitude is consistent, that is, to deal with this matter diluted, which is Mr.
Bo's consistent attitude towards cadres, especially senior cadres.
As for the reason, just look at how Khrushchev stepped down.
If you infringe on the interests of the cadres, how can anyone support you?
Also in the same trench were the chairman of the Joint Council of Ministers Tikhonov, the secretary of the Secretariat, Chernenko, the first secretary of Ukraine, Serbitsky, and the first secretary of Kazakhstan, Kusayev.
These people are all the hardcore allies of President Bo in the bureau, and they are the main members of the "Dnepropetrovsk Gang" on which President Bo relied to start, and they occupy a total of five seats in the bureau and are a powerful force.
However, in the past two years, the Dnepropetrovsk gang has ceased to be the same as in the past, and it is not political enemies who have defeated them, but the ruthlessness of the years, and several high-ranking cadres from Dnepropetrovsk have passed away last year alone.
And in contrast to it, naturally, the initiator of the Uzbek case, the chairman of the KGB, Andropov.
Andropov has been an important ally of President Bo in his early years, but in recent years, Andropov has gradually begun to disagree with President Bo on certain issues.
Especially on the issue of counter-terrorism, the contradiction between Andropov and President Bo is simply irreconcilable.
Now it is clear to everyone that they are only maintaining a face-to-face peace with each other.
Sooner or later, there will be a day of rupture between the two.
Andropov was not without friends in the bureau, and the youngest of all the committee members was Gorbachev.
Like Andropov, he came from the Stavropol Territory in the southern part of the Soviet Union, and he was brought up by Andropov to replace the deceased Kulakov in the Soviet Union's agricultural department.
The two men share the same views on many issues, come from the same region, and are very close to each other.
Andropov admired Gorbachev very much, and even saw him as the future successor of the Soviet Union.
The small group in the bureau is not only the above two, but Foreign Minister Gromyko and Moscow First Secretary Grischen represent a different voice.
Similar to Andropov and Gorbachev, Gromyko and Glishin also had a special relationship.
In his early years, Gromyko worked as a part-time lecturer at the Moscow University of Public Facilities and Architecture, of which Grischen was a student.
Although the two men were close to Andropov's views in some respects, their ideas were more radical and bold than Andropov's.
On the Uzbek issue, the two were also dissatisfied with Mr.
Bo's disposition, believing that this was simply a laissez-faire.
In addition, there is another person, although he did not form a gang, but everyone dared not underestimate him.
This person is the "Gray Cardinal" Suslov, who is an absolute veteran.
He has been in charge of ideological issues within the party for a long time.
Intelligent, hardworking, and ascetic.
Both the Dnepropetrovsk gang and the small groups of Gromyko and Andropov admired him.
Everyone affectionately called him "Su Lao" behind his back.
Su Lao didn't care much about the Uzbek affair, he was actually more concerned about the impact of the matter on the party.
After all, what if the matter gets big and the people lose their due respect for the party, it has nothing to do with integrity or not, it is purely the professionalism of a cadre who controls the propaganda department all the year round.
Among the remaining four, Defense Minister Ustinov also agreed with General Bo's disposition, as a representative of the military, loyalty to the leader is the most important thing, and these local matters are not something that the Ministry of Defense should worry about.
Since the 81st of the West, NATO countries, led by US President Ronald Reagan, have successively organized several provocative and retaliatory military exercises, with the intention of calling out the Soviet Union and at the same time cheering up the rebels in Poland.
These are enough to annoy Ustinov.
Among the other three, Kirilenko has no opinions, although he is the main confidant of President Bo, but his health is getting worse and worse, and he is gradually unable to adapt to work things.
This is the kind of person who still dominates the power of personnel appointments.
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However, Mr.
Bo was not at ease with the cadres who were not from Dnepropetrovsk, and Mr.
Bo forcibly installed Chernenko under the pretext that Kirilenko was not in good health, and shared part of the power in Kirilenko's hands, which was actually intended to check and balance him.
Kirilenko was dissatisfied with this, but he was helpless.
And Serpe, although he sits in the position of chairman of the Central Supervisory Committee of the CPSU, is also old, and does not know how long he will be able to do it, and he may soon be asked to retire like Kosygin.
Therefore, he did not care about Uzbek affairs, and he did not want to cause trouble.
He was likened to the Leningrad First Secretary Romanov, who had just been replaced.
People are soft-spoken, so it is impossible to express any original opinions.
In general, the current bureau is such a situation.
Although President Bo's power has been reduced, he still controls nearly half of the committee members.
Every time the balance within the authorities is broken, there are people who have never been seen before are promoted, as Gromyko said to Grischen in private: "Our game is like Bermuda, some people appear here, some people disappear from here" is to be continued. t1706231537: