To be honest, Seryosha did not feel how outstanding Gaidar was just by relying on the interview at Yakovlev's house, and being able to do things and being able to do things were completely different concepts.
However, since he promised to accept Gaidar, and the other party was an expert who "descended" from the State Economic Reform Commission, Seryosha had already thought of a brilliant position to deal with this guy, that is, the chief economist of the Foreign Trade Bank.
Since economic theory is Gaidar's strong point, let Gaidar raise the flag for Seryosha's foreign trade policy from the position of chief economist February is cold in Moscow, and thousands of miles away in New York, and February is not the warm season either.
But Gromyko's heart was already as hot as summer.
Just after he arrived in the United States with anticipation, as expected, the American Secretary of State secretly contacted him.
He also told Gromyko the great news that US President Ronald Reagan, who had been re-elected, wanted to meet with him to discuss mutual trust between the two countries and regional security issues.
How Gromyko wanted to immediately leak the news to the media of the world and to the comrades of the Central Committee of the CPSU, but Gromyko just held back, because the Americans chose to meet "secretly".
And Gromyko did not know what conditions the Americans were going to make, what to do in case the negotiations broke down at the meeting, and the relations were made more stiff, or if the American lion opened his mouth Gromyko finally consulted General Secretary Chernenko, who was extremely excited when he heard the news, and he had long been tired of the arms race with the Americans.
Although Andropov's tenure as general secretary was short, some of Andropov's reforms appeared to be effective.
If the Americans were willing to let the Soviet Union take a breather in the arms race, the Soviet economy might be able to return to the normal track.
Gromyko quickly left the affairs of the General Assembly to his assistants, and he himself did not show up again.
Gromyko hoped that there would not be too much news leaking out of the media before the meeting again.
Mainly because Gromyko did not want Gorbachev's people to notice.
And what Gorbachev was doing during this time, he was now busy meeting with the members of the Central Committee who had come to Moscow one after another to attend the Congress of the Supreme Soviets.
Gorbachev's successor is now largely decided, and General Secretary Chernenko's perennial inability to govern has given Gorbachev more power.
Gorbachev's remit now includes agriculture, economics, education, ideology, and foreign affairs.
His efforts over the past year have been seen by everyone, especially after Gorbachev returned from England, and almost everyone has regarded him as the heir of General Secretary Chernenko.
The Congress of the Supreme Soviet gave Gorbachev and the local cadres a chance to get to know each other, and of course there were not a few members of the Central Committee who took the initiative to come to the door and work for themselves.
Gorbachev does not want to make a wish for an official position and cause trouble for himself in vain.
He just wants to keep a low profile and continue to consolidate his position.
Gorbachev is waiting, Gromyko is waiting, Seryosha is waiting.
However, General Secretary Chernenko, who was supposed to be in control of the overall situation, was trying to adapt to breathing in the ward at the moment.
Chernenko, who had severe emphysema, hid his illness from his comrades in the Party Central Committee and the Politburo as early as the election for the next leadership after Andropov's death.
Chernenko thought that he would have time to fulfill the mission given to him by history and lead the Soviet Union out of its predicament, but he no longer had that time.
The supreme leader of the USSR never retires, and only at the moment of death will he receive ultimate relief.
Ever since Chernenko's illness worsened, he has been tortured to death at almost every public event.
At the commemoration ceremony of the October Revolution, Chernenko stood on Lenin's tomb for almost three hours in the cold wind and snow.
When he returned, Chernenko couldn't even believe that he was alive.
Chernenko is now wondering how he will cope with the next Congress of the Supreme Soviet.
This was the last meeting of the Supreme Soviets of the two governments.
It was impossible for Chernenko not to attend, and he was even a little afraid of these events now, and for the first time he felt the torment of power.
Khrushchev, who was ousted from power, must have experienced this feeling, and Brezhnev, who was elevated after a stroke, must have also experienced it, and now it is Chernenko's turn.
In this year, Gorbachev magically changed from Chernenko's opponent to Chernenko's reliable partner.
Gromyko, on the contrary, became the biggest obstacle to Chernenko's economic reforms.
Recalling Gromyko's deeds in the past year, he did everything possible to obstruct Gorbachev's visit to Britain and Western Europe to improve relations.
He also prevented East German leader Erich Onnack from traveling to West Germany for a historic meeting with West German leader Willy Brandt.
It seems that Gromyko did not want to give the USSR a moment's respite.
Chernenko was temporarily forgetting his illness because of the divergence of thoughts in his mind, when a knock on the door made Chernenko notice his physical pain again.
"General Secretary, this is a document sent by the Kremlin today" A secretary placed a large stack of documents at Chernenko's feet, Chernenko raised his hand, and the other party immediately understood what Chernenko meant.
So he began to read it to Chernenko sentence by sentence.
After Chernenko had listened to the entire document, and if he nodded in agreement, the secretary would use a photocopier to add Chernenko's autograph to the signature at the end of the document.
"Aren't I deceiving myself?"
Chernenko suddenly sighed in his heart.
In this way, the efficiency of official business is extremely slow, and it will not be long before Chernenko loses patience and asks the secretary to sign all the documents directly behind them.
In fact, Chernenko's habit has now spread to the ears of the Politburo Standing Committee, and if the Politburo does not want Chernenko to veto any issues, it is enough to put this document at the bottom.
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Chernenko, despite his best efforts to prove his existence, has in fact been overshadowed by the staff around him and the Politburo.
Chernenko doesn't even have the strength to sign now, it looks like he's still in control, but he's just doing useless work. t1706231537: