In addition to Mikhail's personal charm, there is a deeper reason why Minister Takeshita was able to accept the foreign bank of Colombia so quickly, that is, Minister Takeshita desperately needs support from the business community to help him move further on his political path.
Although Minister Takeshita was not born in poverty, looking at Japanese politics, he is indeed recognized as a politician who lacks family background.
In Japanese politics, the status and influence of a politician can be passed on to one's designated heirs like an inheritance.
The list goes on and on, such as the fact that Kishi and his brother have both served as prime ministers, and Kishi's son-in-law, Shintaro Abe, is now serving as foreign minister in Yasuhiro Nakasone's cabinet.
This kind of political gatekeeper is not comparable to the son of a sake merchant in Shimane Prefecture.
As the son of a commoner, it was not easy for Minister Takeshita to achieve today's status, and Minister of Finance was also a very important position in the cabinet.
However, Minister Takeshita knew that if he wanted to go to the next level, his own efforts would not be enough.
You must have a group of reliable and politically weighty protégés around you to support you.
The "Nakaso faction" led by the current Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone is a good example, but Prime Minister Nakasa was a major in the Japanese Navy as early as the wartime, and he had a political halo on him, while Takeshita was forced to leave private school and was sent to the Junior Flying Corps, almost to be cannon fodder like a kamikaze.
The only way for Minister Takeshita to build his own "Takeshita faction" is the same path that Tanaka Kakuei took many years ago, using campaign money to lure members of the Diet who also lack support into his door.
But where does this money come from, and naturally it is in the hands of merchants who lack access to it.
Even before Mikhail joined his staff, the Financial Services Agency had already reported to Minister Takeshita that the Bank of Colombia was constantly flowing huge amounts of foreign exchange into Japan.
Mikhail's strength Minister Takeshita is known, but because it is foreign capital, although Minister Takeshita covets it, he still can't solicit it, because obtaining foreign political donations is an absolute taboo in Japanese politics.
However, when Mikhail was introduced to him by his long-time business confidant, Vice Hiroshi E, the president of Rikulut Real Estate Co., Ltd., Minister Takeshita was immediately happy, because with Vice Hiroshi Jiang as an intermediary, it was not difficult for Bank of Colombia's foreign capital to become domestic capital.
Minister Takeshita can rely on Vice Hiromasa Jiang as an intermediary to attract foreign capital from the Bank of Colombia for his own use, and the "Takeshita faction" can finally not only think about it.
Mikhail did his homework before meeting Minister Takeshita, who was nicknamed "Ashin" in politics and was an extremely resilient guy.
Mikhail had no idea that he would be accepted by Minister Takeshita so soon.
But with Jiang Vice Haozheng, who has a request for himself, as an intermediary, Mikhail's relationship with the minister is much smoother.
Mikhail, through several subsidiaries of Hiromasa Jiang and Yoshiaki Tsutsumi, donated about $5 million to Minister Takeshita's Economic Research Institute.
In exchange for this money, Seryosha could easily exchange yen from the Bank of Tokyo.
The Ministry of Finance and the Financial Services Agency have turned a blind eye to the actions of the Bank of Colombia, but as it stands, Japan is the beneficiary of this matter, and Mikhail will not be able to reap the expected benefits until the Plaza Accord is signed.
With Mikhail's support, Rikulut Real Estate Co., Ltd. intervened in the renovation of Tokyo's old town.
Acquired the land of the Meiji Sugar Factory in Uchiminato-ku, Tokyo, from Mitsui Fudosan at a very high price, which will be converted into a low-density residential project by Rikulut Real Estate Co., Ltd Why is it a low-density house, because the construction period of this kind of house is short, which is convenient for the quick return of funds.
Minato is also a traditionally wealthy area in Tokyo, and people who buy houses here are generally not poor for money.
Although the land was acquired at a high price, almost all the real estate companies involved in the auction felt that Rikulut had picked up a big bargain.
Participating in the Seibu Group's high-end condominium project is to stay in the circle, but the Rikulut project is really about making money.
In fact, there is a deeper reason for this, and that is that a significant number of Riculut's shareholders are important figures in the cabinet.
Last year, Jiang Vice-Hao Zheng gave away the shares of Rikulut to many big figures in the cabinet, including Minister Baokuo Takeshita, and even Prime Minister Jiang Vice-Hiroshi was in place.
However, in order to prevent anyone from taking advantage of the opportunity, all the ministers accepted the stock and paid for it.
According to the current Japanese law, the actions of the ministers are not illegal.
Because Japan's stock market is not very sound right now, insider trading has not yet risen to the point of crime, and it is even considered a normal transaction in political circles.
Only when Rikulut listed the subsidiary represented by the shares on the Tokyo Stock Exchange would the ministers who held the shares make a lot of money.
After Rikulut acquired the Meiji Sugar Factory in Minato, it didn't take long for Rikulut to enter a new field with the support of Bank of Colombia, which was to invest in Japan's mobile network system in cooperation with Nippon Telecommunications and Telephone Co., Ltd., the world's largest mobile communications technology company.
As soon as this news came out, the market was in an uproar, and the company turned into a cutting-edge mobile communication field.
Speaking of which, Tsuneshi Mato, president of Nippon Telegraph and Telephone Co., Ltd., is actually the leader of Vice Hiroshi Jiang's entry into the political arena.
The two are business people and have known each other for a long time.
Since Nippon Telegraph and Telephone Co., Ltd. is a large-scale Japanese technology system that is half-government and half-civilian, it has an exclusive monopoly on Japan's domestic telephone line system and large-scale computer system.
As the president, Mato Heng seems to be infinitely beautiful, but in fact, he is still just a senior worker with an official identity.
Before Jiang Vice Haozheng made his career, Mato Heng had always been his introducer in the political arena, and Minister Takeshita met Jiang Vice Haozheng through the introduction of Mao Teng Heng.
The success of Vice Hiromasa completely stimulated Tsuneshi Mado, so at the secret request of Mikhail, Nippon Telegraph and Telephone Co., Ltd., led by Tsuneshi Mato, secretly took away 10,000 unlisted original shares of Rikulut in the name of the secretary in exchange for the wholly-owned adoption of technical standards for communications.
With the help of Jiang Vice Haozheng, Mikhail actually experienced the feeling of ease in Uzbekistan in Japan. t1706231537: