If it is said that the coming to power of Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev in 1985 restored the confidence of the Soviet people in the reform of the Soviet Union.
Then for the ordinary people of Moscow, the arrival of Yeltsin redefined the meaning of the secretary of the Moscow municipal party committee.
Yeltsin had a very different approach from his predecessor Glishin.
Not long after taking office, Yeltsin reorganized the work attitude of the Moscow city government.
At the same time, he changed the impression that the secretary of the Moscow Municipal Party Committee was on high ground, and drove out many Soviet officials who had not done anything for many years.
About three months after Yeltsin took office, on a Sunday morning, he arrived at the construction site of the new workers' city in Moscow without saying hello.
At first, the person in charge of the construction site thought that Yeltsin had come to visit, but later he realized that he was completely wrong.
Comrade Yeltsin actually came to the workers' new city to do voluntary labor.
On the construction site of the workers' new city, Yeltsin wore a hard hat and overalls.
Carrying cement and weaving steel bars with the workers, he did his work decently, and even the steel bar master at the construction site felt that Secretary Yeltsin really knew how to do it.
In fact, this is all due to Yeltsin's many years of experience in the construction industry.
Despite being in his fifties, Yeltsin was still busy on the construction site all day.
In the evening, while the workers were resting, Yeltsin's wife and daughter cooked a sumptuous dinner for the workers.
Everyone sat around like old friends and colleagues, and instead of discussing national affairs, Yeltsin encouraged everyone to talk about the difficulties in life, and he even took out a notebook to record some of the places where everyone had opinions.
On the evening of that day, the news program of Moscow TV showed Yeltsin at the construction site of the workers' new village.
On television footage, Yeltsin and workers were seen carrying steel bars and cement.
The old white surname in Moscow saw a scene on TV that he had never imagined, a municipal party secretary actually went to work as a construction worker at a construction site.
I am afraid that only Comrade Lenin of the past would have done this Yeltsin's move earned him widespread favor among the citizens of Moscow.
Not only the media in Moscow, but even some foreign news organizations reported on Yeltsin's move.
In just one Sunday, Yeltsin won the hearts and minds of ordinary Moscow, and even Seryosha, who had a good reputation and had been promoted to vice minister of foreign trade and economic cooperation, could not match him.
Because Seryosha would never be able to do such a thing as working on a construction site.
Yeltsin's actions were praised by Gorbachev, and after that, Yeltsin often appeared in familiar places to ordinary people in Moscow.
The media will find out that Yeltsin's wife actually went to line up in front of ordinary food stores, instead of the special stores that cadres of his level should go to to buy food.
As Yeltsin continued to be discovered, these were different from the high-ranking cadres of the Soviet Union.
The local media and the population in Moscow have a growing favorability of Yeltsin.
Even some of the Western media based in Moscow took note of the Soviet official, who had a very different style.
Yeltsin did not just show his attitude towards ordinary people in front of the media, he also opened a hotline for the Moscow city party committee, and set up a special department to answer the opinions and suggestions of ordinary people.
A selection of representative issues was selected for public discussion in the Moscow Press and Komsomolskaya Pravda.
After a period of hard work, the Moscow intelligentsia gradually became interested in the discussion of these issues, and they published their opinions in the newspapers, and many intellectuals felt that Yeltsin was an enlightened leader who could listen to advice, and that the intelligentsia had gained more respect than Yeltsin had never had.
Yeltsin's series of moves may seem deviant, but he began to turn his unfavorable situation little by little in the competition with Ligachev.
Originally, Ligachev only had to take into account Gorbachev's opinion if he wanted to move Yeltsin, but now he has to take into account the views of ordinary people who are attracted to Yeltsin.
Yeltsin took advantage of the support of the common people to start the personnel arrangements for the Moscow government, and a large number of second-generation officials who relied on nepotism to mingle with officialdom became the targets of Yeltsin's operation.
Yeltsin even invited reporters to join him in various departments of the Moscow city government to check attendance and work discipline.
Footage of some officials coming to work drunk was ruthlessly published by reporters on the evening news in Moscow, and within an hour the official was purged from the ranks of the city of Moscow.
Yeltsin's actions angered many conservatives accustomed to the tolerance of the Bonezhlev style, but the more Jerichin did so, the more the people liked him.
General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev also paid more attention to Yeltsin and openly supported Yeltsin's reform of the Moscow city government.
Yeltsin soon freed up a large number of important posts for some superficial officials.
At the same time, he also began to arrange and cultivate some of his own forces.
As the financial steward of the Moscow workers' new village project, Sobchak was arranged by Yeltsin to join the Moscow city government as the head of the finance bureau.
The financial power of the city of Moscow was completely taken into its hands.
With fiscal power, Moscow can issue its own government bonds to finance the construction of infrastructure, without having to look at Ligachev's face.
Ligachev soon found out that in the Secretariat, the stiff-winged Yeltsin was less and less interested in him.
Even Yeltsin began to ridicule Ligachev for his inefficiency, and even such trivial matters as how many tomatoes and tea to collect, how many carriages to collect, had to be taken to a meeting of the Secretariat for an afternoon to discuss.
Just when Yeltsin was giving Ligachev more and more headaches, Yakovlev, as the head of the Central Propaganda Department, was also moving around, and he began to touch some historical problems of the Soviet Union without any fear.
The first to be used by Yakovlev was the historical case of Bukharin, an early leader of the CPSU, who was executed during the Stalin period.
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Speaking of Bukharin, Seryosha was most impressed by the sentence "Quick, go and tell Lenin that Bukharin's traitor" after being hit by a flower pot in the movie Party A and Party B.
But is Bukharin really a traitor, given that this case was decided by Stalin, then this conclusion is very interesting.
Yakovlev did a great thing, he publicly published for the first time in the newspaper Izvestia of the CPSU the "traitor" Bukharin's last letter to the party leaders of the future generation Bukharin, and the feeling of humiliating death displayed in the letter brought tears to the eyes of many people, which not only caused a huge repercussion in society, but also triggered a great discussion in the whole society about Bukharin's rehabilitation. t1706231537: