In order to get Monsanto's genetically modified products on the market as soon as possible, Karim spared no expense in providing a variety of attractive services, such as free airplane spraying and free agricultural insurance and other promotional means.
Monsanto's genetically modified seeds are unique in the world today, and it has formed its own technical barriers, and any other company must not use the genetic fragments registered by Monsanto if they want to enter this field.
This gene fragment comes from the only grass that Roundup herbicides can't kill, petunias.
In other words, other seeds cannot use petunia gene fragments to develop herbicide-resistant genetically modified products.
Because it is a product recommended by the farmers' association, the price is cheap and the service is considerate, so many farmers have signed contracts with Monsanto.
With Griffith's assistance, Monsanto instantly captured the 30 percent market in South Dakota, winning its first opening since going public.
Until now, Monsanto's molecular biology breeding division has not been profitable.
However, this did not affect Seryosha's importance to this department.
At Seryosha's suggestion, Karim further stepped up his support for molecular biology labs.
Started to conduct genetically modified research on all vegetables, fruits, and even cash crops on the market, so as to enrich the content of the product line and expand the company's profit point.
Seryosha found a new plot of land near the Gorky Automobile Plant as a land for the construction of a joint venture with the Volkswagen Group, and he used his past management experience and contacts to find a suitable construction unit for the construction of the workers' new city project.
So it quickly entered the construction phase.
In order to facilitate the control of this automobile factory, Seryosha selected some people he trusted from the Communist Youth League, the Ministry of Foreign Trade and Economic Cooperation, and the Gorky Automobile Factory to arrange for this automobile factory.
Because Seryosha did not really plan to hand over the car factory to the Soviet government, but to transform the existing car product line in the Soviet Union in order to better occupy the Latin American market.
Since Chulbanov returned to Moscow, the Soviet judiciary has not come to the door again, although the place in Sochi is far away from the emperor, but Moscow is a place where dignitaries and dignitaries gather, if Ligachev wants the prosecutors to search Chulbanov's residence with great fanfare, it will have a bad effect, and Brezhnev's old courtiers who stayed behind will not agree.
So Moscow is much safer than Sochi, at least Ligachev does not dare to let the prosecutors really take Chubanov away.
But those local officials who did not live in Moscow fell into bad luck and became Ligachev's punching bag, in Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Georgia and other places.
With the in-depth investigation by the judicial authorities, a series of cases were reported to Ligachev.
This time, under the guidance of the principle of openness, basically Ligachev will be investigated and punished together, and the newspapers will publish them together.
And because of the principle of openness, reports on the former leaders of the Soviet Union have also begun to take on a tendency to be critical.
Gorbachev and Yakovlev did not have the courage to criticize Lenin, but the media did not take into account some of the mistakes and mistakes of Stalin, Khrushchev, Brezhnev and other leaders during their time in power, such as Stalin's national policy, Khrushchev's great-power chauvinism, and Brezhnev's connivance.
This made the image of these leaders, who were originally high in the hearts of the people, begin to waver.
Both Gorbachev and Yakovlev thought this was a good thing, but these public reports caused dissatisfaction among some ethnic minorities in the Soviet Union, such as the three Baltic states, who were dissatisfied with Stalin's purge policy during the annexation of the three countries during World War II.
But none of this can be compared with the impact of the Chechen problem.
You know, Stalin exiled most of the Chechens and Ingushites to Central Asia, and now this wound has been opened again, and those Chechens and Ingushhetia who have settled down in Central Asia have asked to return to their homeland.
Yakovlev's policies awakened the already diluted national consciousness in the Soviet Union, and many ethnic minorities began to care about when their own ethnic groups were incorporated into the Soviet Union.
This inevitably involves the brutal history of the early Soviet Union and even the Tsarist period.
Since Gorbachev no longer restricted the people's right of association, some groups began to be established in these regions, such as some historical research societies of the three Baltic states, Chechen historical research societies, and Georgian historical research societies.
They are mainly detached from the traditional history of the Soviet Union to study their past history independently, which means that the history of these peoples is no longer part of the entire history of the Soviet Union, but an independent history separate from the history of Tsarist Russia and the Soviet Union.
Ligachev, a conservative, was angry at Yakovlev's discussion of the mistakes of Stalin, Brezhnev and other leaders, believing that it would hurt the party's authority among the people, but with Gorbachev's support, Yakovlev had become a new generation of gray cardinals, and the ideological sphere had become independent from the competence of the Secretariat.
As an intellectual who had lived in Europe and the United States for ten years, Yakovlev always felt that there were big problems with the economic policies of Lenin and Stalin, and he always wanted to change it and create a completely new theory.
Seryosha had been watching this ideological struggle, and he felt that the discussion was beginning to develop in an uncontrollable direction, and the elites of various nationalities in the newspapers denounced the chauvinism and predatory expansion of Tsarist Russia and the Russians, which made the majority of the Russian elites very angry, and they began to discuss the restrictions on Russians after the establishment of the Soviet Union, such as unfair treatment in terms of party membership, employment, education, etc.
Some Russian economic experts even believe that it was because the government gave too much investment to the minority areas that the Soviet economy had problems.
Just when the discussion in the newspapers was getting more and more excessive, the Uzbek cotton case became the first case that Ligachev brought out to open the knife.
Dozens of local officials in charge of Uzbek cotton affairs were escorted back to Moscow by Ligachev's men for investigation. t1706231537: