The major political turn in Hungary and Poland was a wake-up call to the top leadership of the Soviet Union, and Shevardnadze was urgently sent by Gorbachev to Hungary to communicate with the Hungarian party and government to ask if their attitude towards the Soviet Union had changed.
Gorbachev wouldn't have been so nervous if it had only been Hungary's problem, but Poland was on the Soviet Union's doorstep, and the KGB had always known that Solidarity's main source of finance was Western anti-Soviet forces and the Vatican's papal funding.
As soon as Solidarity became a legal organization, then the attitude of Poland towards the USSR was difficult to say.
In contrast, Gorbachev decided to temporarily allow Shevardnadze to visit the Warsaw Pact countries to emphasize their alliance with the Soviet Union and ensure that the Soviet Union would not be infiltrated by NATO and the Western bloc.
As for the Georgian issue, Gorbachev still hoped that a negotiated solution would be reached.
So the hot potato of Georgia returned to Ryzhkov again.
After the last meeting with Shevardnadze, the Georgian opposition began to develop a state of blind optimism, believing that the Soviet government would not guess what to do.
Therefore, who can say no to the separatist behavior of the Abkhazians on behalf of the Georgian people has become the topic of greatest concern for these oppositionists.
Thus a great drama of struggle for power inevitably appeared first among the Georgian opposition.
The opposition began to attack each other in order to gain leadership, accusing each other of being traitors to Georgia.
All kinds of ghosts, snakes, and gods have sprung up one after another, in the name of Georgia to gain political capital for themselves.
In Abkhazia and Tbilisi, there was daily invincing in the newspapers, with the end result that no one could get anyone to give up leadership.
What can a group of Wuhe people do, except for a few intellectuals, some of them are political speculators who are afraid that the world will not be chaotic.
When all organizations are about the same strength, it is simply impossible for these organizations to come together to do anything.
Unless there is a powerful figure who can bring the various factions of the Georgian opposition to their knees, by any means, then these opposition will have a real political future.
Unfortunately, such a figure soon appeared among the opposition, and he was Zvyadgarmsahurdia, the son of the Georgian literary giant Konstantin Gammsahurdia.
Speaking of the father and son of Gamsa Khurdzia, we have to start with Konstantin.
Konstantin himself is a Georgian nationalist and has always taken a hostile attitude towards the Soviet Union's rule over Georgia, because of its huge influence, the Soviet government did not dare to deal with him rashly, and could only stop Konstantin's propaganda of Georgian nationalism by banning his works.
It was under his father's influence that Zviad soon joined the Georgian movement against Soviet rule.
Zviad began forming secret anti-Soviet societies while still in middle school, and he was soon arrested by the KGB, but the KGB did not punish him because of his father's enormous influence.
This made Zviad even more unscrupulous.
After entering university, Zviad began to follow in his father's footsteps in creating anti-Soviet works.
This time, the KGB showed no mercy, and Zviad was sent to a mental hospital under house arrest by the KGB, adhering to Khrushchev's assertion that anyone who would commit crimes in socialism is mentally ill.
Zviad stayed in it for more than half a year, and finally chose to give in.
He confessed his mistake to the KGB, which recorded Zviad's confession and overjoyed it on the Georgian TV tower.
The KGB then opted for leniency for Zviad, and he was exiled to a farm in Dagestan, Russia, where he underwent re-education through labor, while his companion was sentenced to 10 years in prison.
Although Zvyad's confession in a psychiatric hospital had tarnished his reputation among Georgian anti-government factions, he was known to many Georgians.
The Nobel Prize jury, fearing that the Soviet Union would not be chaotic, nominated him as a candidate for the Nobel Peace Prize in the same year, but in the end he did not win the prize.
Zviad is seen as a traitor by many veteran Georgian oppositionists, but is seen as a hero by ordinary Georgians with nationalist tendencies.
This made Zviad taste the sweetness after the Abkhaz turmoil, heroes sometimes do not depend on how many years you have been imprisoned for your faith, how many years of suffering, sometimes propaganda is still very important.
And Zviad, who has a cow x dad and has been on TV, does have a wide popularity in Georgia.
Zviad's opposition faction quickly emerged from Georgia's vast array of opposition groups.
With Zviad's personal influence, many young people who supported Georgia's independence chose to join Zviad's organization, and Zviad, who had been a candidate for the Nobel Peace Prize, was able to receive more money from a Western-sponsored political fund.
Zviad, who is rich and many, has finally experienced what it feels like to be in power.
Lured by the dollar, some small and medium-sized opposition groups began to choose to join the Georgian National Union, which Zvyad founded.
Zvyad soon came up with the slogan "Georgia belongs to the Georgians", and under his leadership, the chaotic movement against Abkhaz independence finally showed signs of reunification.
Zvyad soon became the idol of many young people in Georgia by virtue of his mistakes and the influence he inherited from his father, and soon became a brain-dead fan.
Under the love of these brainless fans, Zviad cried bitterly in front of the KGB in a psychiatric hospital, and betrayed the anti-Soviet cause, which became a symbol of unyielding death.
Those former comrades-in-arms of Zviad, even if they were in prison for ten years, were not as good as Zviad's one-year life in a mental hospital.
Although they despise Zvyade's personality, they do not have Zvyade's influence.
As a result, the first groups to stand out against the independence of Abkhazia were quickly marginalized in the movement.
Zviad, who had taken the lead, was now complacent, and he was brewing a larger, more serious protest.
This would both expand his influence and make him a real leader in the anti-Soviet struggle. t1706231537: