Yuri soon fulfilled his promise, and with the support of the Gorky Brotherhood, the supply of grain to Poland began to increase.
Walesa is also confident in this operation.
Walesa quickly made a request to the Polish authorities through a number of pro-Solidarity media outlets in Poland.
That is, to make Solidarity a legal organization in Poland, and to release the leaders and members of Solidarity arrested by the Polish secret police.
When the two pieces of information were released by the media, the Polish authorities immediately shut down the media outlet. and refused to engage in dialogue with Solidarity.
This gives Walesa's strike action a plausible pretext.
So in Solidarity's hometown of Gdansk, Walesa was the first to attack.
The strike action began at the Gdansk shipyard, where Walesa had previously worked.
On a weekday morning, a strike note bearing the seal of Solidarity was plastered at the gate of the Gdansk shipyard.
Later, the factory managers found that most of the workers who worked here refused to come to work.
The strike was like a plague, spreading from one factory to another.
In less than a week, a third of Gdansk's factories came to a standstill.
To make matters worse, some school teachers have also spontaneously joined the anti-government campaign.
Through the media, the workers made three demands to the government, the first of which was the release of the arrested members of Solidarity.
Second, make Solidarity a legitimate social group.
Third, improve the current situation of domestic material shortages and high prices.
When the Polish government learned about the situation in the city of Gdansk, it was once again overwhelmed.
You know, since 1983, the Polish government, with the support of the Soviet Union, has imposed martial law throughout the country.
At one point, there was an exchange of fire between Solidarity and Polish government forces.
It took a full year to bring Solidarity down by force.
Unexpectedly, within a few years, Solidarity made a comeback.
The first secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers' Party and the de facto leader of Poland, Wojciech Jaruzelski, felt that the problem was very difficult at this time.
Although Jaruzelski was born in the army, he was the only general in the Polish army.
However, his political stance was more moderate.
When Solidarity launched waves of strikes and demonstrations across the country, Jaruzelski was the enforcer of the force and martial law throughout the country, but in his heart he was not willing to do so.
At that time, the Soviet Union was constantly exerting pressure on the Polish government, and if Jaruzelski did not impose martial law on Poland and suppressed the United Trade Union, then the strike activity of the United Trade Union could turn into a second Prague Spring, and the final result would be a direct takeover of Poland by the Soviet Red Army.
This was something that Jaruzelski, who wanted Poland to be independent, did not want to see.
In order to prevent the strike from spreading, Jaruzelski sent his henchmen to secretly contact Solidarity, and at the same time hinted at the All-Polish Workers' Association, which obeyed the government's orders, to launch a boycott of the strike.
Jaruzelski did this only because he feared that the Soviet Union would have an excuse to meddle in Poland's internal affairs.
From the Polish government's point of view, Solidarity was dangerous, but it was Poland's own family, and if Poland was taken over by the Soviet Union, Jaruzelski would be a sinner for Poland.
Jaruzelski sent his trusted men to Gdansk to meet with Solidarity in the hope that the strike would be nipped in the bud.
Walesa did not turn away Jaruzelski's envoys, and in fact Walesa was also a moderate within Solidarity, and he wanted to achieve his political goals through non-violent non-cooperation, rather than resorting to force.
"Secretary Jaruzelski asked me to negotiate with you, but I hope you don't reveal this matter to the outside world until this matter is concluded," Jaruzelski's envoy reminded Solidarity's Walesa as soon as he came up.
"Okay, but are you going to agree to our terms this time?"
Walesa asked directly.
"On the issue of the release of the arrested members of Solidarity, Secretary Jaruzelski is willing to make concessions, but the legalization of Solidarity and the supply of goods, with all due respect, neither of these matters can be resolved overnight, and they require a collective vote of the Polish United Workers' Party.
This kind of thing is often complicated, so complicated that Secretary Jaruzelsky can't decide it alone.
"It is inconvenient for Jaruzelsky's envoy to say much about the inside story, which also involves the Soviet Union and the million-strong army on the Soviet-Polish border.
In the event that Solidarity becomes too big and the Soviets lose patience and plan to send troops to solve the problem, Poland will inevitably find itself in an even worse situation.
"Mr.
Special Envoy, Solidarity is the voice of justice for the Polish workers, and if you do not give Solidarity legal status, you are making enemies of the majority of Polish workers," Walesa said unceremoniously.
The negotiations lasted for a whole day, and Walesa did not know the plight of Jaruzelski, who seemed to be on top, but he could only handle the issue of Solidarity carefully, without giving the Soviets an excuse and not allowing Solidarity to make too much trouble.
The Special Envoy felt that the differences between the two sides were too great to continue.
Walesa, however, showed goodwill, agreeing that Solidarity would restart some of the factories after the government released Solidarity detainees.
This guarantee finally relieved Jaruzelsky's envoy and could go back to his life.
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Secretary Jaruzelsky waited anxiously in Warsaw for news from his men, but at that moment, a phone call brought Jaruzelsky's heart to his throat.
The Soviet ambassador to Poland, Aristov, quickly called Jaruzelski to inquire about the strike of the workers in Gdansk, and he asked in a worried tone on the phone: "Dear Comrade Wojciech, is there a resurgence of the wave of opposition to the Soviets in Poland I and the Commander-in-Chief of the Warsaw Pact Forces, Kulikov, are deeply concerned about the situation in Poland?"
"Dear Comrade Aristov, believe us, the situation is under control.
We, the Polish United Workers' Party, are capable of taking care of our own affairs.
Please give us a little more time," Jaruzelski said softly, holding back his anger. t1706231537: