Jaruzelski was furious and helpless in the face of the Soviet ambassador, the de facto governor of Poland.
The Soviet Union and Poland are neighbors, and the Soviet Union's steel torrent can easily cross Poland's borders and drive straight in.
As a mature politician, Jaruzelsky would never provoke the Soviet Union and make the wrong decision to lure the wolf into the house.
"Ambassador Aristov, I think that even if Poland really needs the help of the Soviet Union, as the first secretary of Poland, I should not discuss these issues with you, this is a country-to-state, party-to-party issue, and if you want to talk about it, I will also talk to Secretary Gorbachev" Jaruzelski held back his anger and pushed back Ambassador Aristov, who was pointing fingers at Poland's internal affairs.
After hanging up the phone, it took a while for Jaruzelsky to calm himself down, he thought about it for a while, and suddenly remembered an official in the Soviet Union who was relatively easy to communicate with, he was the current secretary of the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the CPSU Yakovlev.
The reason why Jaruzelsky thought of Yakovlev was because this man, when he was the head of the Propaganda Department of the Central Committee of the CPSU, had refuted Brezhnev's theory of limited sovereignty, and Yakovlev lost his good future and was sent to Canada as ambassador.
When Brezhnev was alive, his theory of limited sovereignty was a serious nightmare for Soviet satellites like Poland.
After all, no one is willing to be at the mercy of others forever.
The so-called theory of limited sovereignty means that the sovereignty of the socialist satellite states of the Soviet Union is limited, and the Soviet Union can guide the ruling parties of these countries to develop socialism in a way approved by the Soviet Union, but in fact it is to meddle in the internal affairs of these satellite states and make them become the territory of the Soviet Union in disguise.
At that time, the armed suppression of the Prague Spring was still vividly remembered, and although the countries of Eastern Europe were extremely dissatisfied with Brezhnev's theory of limited sovereignty, they dared to be angry but did not dare to speak out.
It was at this time that Yakovlev's article against the theory of limited sovereignty came out, in which he accused Brezhnev of his theory of limited sovereignty as outright great-power chauvinism.
This righteous statement made the leaders of many satellite states grateful to Yakovlev.
Now Yakovlev has come to work, not only re-entered the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the CPSU, but also became a popular man around Gorbachev.
As for Gorbachev, Jaruzelsky couldn't figure out his temper, but he knew Yakovlev's temper.
Therefore, before communicating with the top leaders of the Soviet Union, it is very necessary to discuss the issue of the workers' new city with Yakovlev.
Jaruzelski quickly had the Polish ambassador in Moscow contact Yakovlev's staff, and after arrangements and contacts between the two sides, Yakovlev agreed to the request to speak with Jaruzelski.
"Secretary Yakovlev, I would like to communicate with you, is Secretary Gorbachev very concerned about the issue of our domestic solidarity trade union, and whether I need to go to Moscow to report to Secretary Gorbachev in person" Jaruzelsky was still very open in front of Yakovlev, because he knew that the other party was a reasonable person.
"Secretary Jaruzelsky, why do you say this, Solidarity is your internal problem, if you do not make a request to the Soviet Union, the Soviet Union will not interfere in the internal affairs of fraternal countries" Yakovlev heard the dissatisfaction in Jaruzelsky's words, now there are a lot of problems in the Soviet Union, and the financial gap caused by Chernobyl cannot be filled, how could Gorbachev go to the troubled waters of the Solidarity trade union in Poland, the Solidarity trade union has existed for almost ten years, and if it was well solved, it would have been solved long ago.
"So Gorbachev has no intention of interfering in our internal affairs in Poland, but Ambassador Aristov is very concerned about the affairs of Solidarity, and even contacted the commander-in-chief of the Warsaw Pact to assist us in suppressing Solidarity by force."
When Jaruzelski heard that this incident was not instructed by Gorbachev, he immediately relieved his heart, and he also took the opportunity to sue Aristov from Yakovlev.
"I'm really sorry Secretary Jaruzelski, Gorbachev has always taught us to deal with fraternal countries on an equal footing, and we have no intention of interfering in Poland's internal affairs, of course, if you ask us, we will consider providing necessary help," Yakovlev said sincerely on the phone.
After the call, Jaruzelski's heart finally entered his stomach.
As long as the USSR does not intervene, then Solidarity is an internal contradiction among the Polish people.
You don't have to go to the point where you meet each other.
But Yakovlev, who put down the phone, was not so relaxed, and a small ambassador to Poland actually pointed fingers at the internal affairs of fraternal countries, which had a bad impact on the image of the Soviet Union.
No, this matter must be taken seriously.
So Yakovlev informed Foreign Minister Shevardnadze about this, and then General Secretary Gorbachev.
Yakovlev did this because it would allow the general secretary to know what to expect, and not offend Shevardnadze.
After reaching a tacit understanding with Yakovlev, Shevardnadze took the initiative to call General Secretary Gorbachev to explain the matter.
Subsequently, he personally called the Polish leader Jaruzelski to apologize and recalled Ambassador Aristorv to the country overnight.
If Yakovlev's attitude at the front made Jaruzelsky feel pleased, then Shevardnadze's attitude made Jaruzelsky feel flattered.
Jaruzelsky, who experienced the Brezhnev era, was really uncomfortable with the Soviet secretary Gorbachev "Perhaps without Soviet interference, we could have adopted a more flexible approach to avoid the breakup of Poland, and I always felt that Solidarity moderates like Lech Walesa could be fought for, and as long as the Soviet Union did not oppose it, what did it matter to legalize Walesa's Solidarity than to force them to the point of taking up arms and fighting," Jaruzelski said to his henchmen.
Almost everyone present breathed a sigh of relief that Poland had not finally fallen to the point of being ruled by the Soviet Union.
"Send someone to Gdansk again and tell Walesa that I am willing to negotiate with them, and that we must settle this matter once and for all before the Soviets change their minds," Jaruzelski said solemnly. t1706231537: